By John D Ellis
This article will explore the presence of Black sailors in the Royal Navy prior to and during the Napoleonic Wars. Ray Costello (Black Salt) and Charles Foy have done much work on the presence of sailors of African origin in the Royal Navy before, during and after the Napoleonic Wars of 1793-1815.(1) I would recommend their work to anyone with an interest in the subject.
The Battle of Trafalgar and Black Sailors in the Royal Navy.
At the time of writing, (October 2020) and during a global pandemic, the fact that Royal Navy, supported by American and Dutch allies, has an aircraft carrier (HMS Queen Elizabeth) at the centre of the only actively deployed Carrier Strike Force, is testament to the professionalism of the Officers and Ratings of the Senior Service.(2)
Britain is an island nation and has been free of the invasion that a land bridge to Europe would have inevitably seen the nation conquered at various times within the last three-hundred years. So, and until the Battle of Britain in 1940, the Royal Navy was first line of defence. The 21st of October 2020 is the 215th anniversary of the Battle of Trafalgar. The battle (off the coast of Spain) was fought between a British fleet under Admiral Horatio Nelson and a combined French and Spanish fleet under Admiral Villeneuve. Nelson’s leadership, the superior training (and health and cleanliness – an obsession which kept RN vessels largely free of disease) and morale of the Royal Navy crews, combined with superior weaponry and “fair winds” to sink nineteen enemy ships in five hours. The significance of the Battle of Trafalgar (as it was to be named – after the Spanish word of Arabic origin Taraf al-Gharb – “cape of the west”) was immediate: Britain was safe from French invasion, the Royal Navy established its primacy and restricted Napoleon’s ambition to mainland Europe. Victory also gave Britain command of the seas, and was therefore able to use the Royal Navy to harass French shipping, blockade French ports and eventually to carry the British Army to the Peninsular and France to defeat the French Army. In the long term, Trafalgar, as Andrew Lambert suggests “guaranteed British control of the oceans, and the creation of a unique global power that would endure for more than a century.”(3)
Nelson, who was mortally wounded by a French marksman whilst on the bridge of his flagship HMS Victory, became an iconic figure, with the names of “Nelson” and “Trafalgar” becoming part of a heroic national narrative. Here was a charismatic leader, who led from the front (the loss of his eye and arm evidenced this) and cared deeply for the men under his command. Although his very public affair with Lady Hamilton scandalised “proper society”, his victories at the Battles of the Nile and Copenhagen (1798 and 1801 respectively), had made him a house-hold name.
Nelson’s body was placed in a barrel of brandy to preserve it for the journey to England onboard HMS Victory. News of his death arrived in England after sixteen days and resulted in a media frenzy, with regular updates on the progress home of the Victory appearing in the press. The Battle of Trafalgar and particularly the death of Nelson were re-enacted nightly in theatre houses. Nelson lay in state at Greenwich Hospital between the 5th and 7th of January 1806, with 15,000 people paying their respects. He then received a state funeral before being buried in St Paul’s Cathedral.
The Battle of Trafalgar, and especially the death of Nelson himself, was to be a popular subject for nineteenth century artists. Some artists, like Arthur William Devis (1762-1822) in The Death of Nelson (1805-1809), focussed on the death scene. Others, like the American Benjamin West, used some license to combine both death and battle scenes in The Death of Nelson (1806). A common theme to many of the paintings was the relationship between Nelson and his Officers and Ratings. Samuel Drummond’s The Death of Nelson (1806), depicts the mortally wounded Nelson being tenderly removed from the fighting on the upper deck to safety below decks by a mixed group of sailors and marines.
One Black sailor can be seen clearly.
Both Nelson and the importance of Trafalgar were recognised in 1844 with the opening of Trafalgar Square in Westminster, with Nelson’s Column at its centre. In 1849 bronze reliefs were installed on the base of the column depicting scenes from the battle.
What both Drummond’s The Death of Nelson (1806) and the bronze reliefs on Nelson’s Column (1849) have in common is the relationship between Nelson and his crew, and the fact that at this event, which was to grow in significance as Britain expanded its empire, the fighting men of the British Royal Navy typified national characteristics of stoicism, suffering and bravery.
The Battle of Trafalgar, and indeed the Battle of Waterloo (1815), saw Britain field military forces that were representative of all four nations that constituted Britain at the time. English, Welsh and Scottish men served alongside each other in both services, and the Irish made up approximately 1/3 of each. In addition, both services enlisted men born overseas, including countries such as Holland and France (often either emigres or former POWs), and the Baltic, German and Scandinavian states. Both The Death of Nelson and Nelson’s Column depict Black sailors serving in the ranks of the Royal Navy at the Battle of Trafalgar. The former has a Black sailor as one of a group of men carrying a wounded comrade below decks. The latter has a Black sailor armed with a musket having a target pointed out to him by a White comrade. (The comrade pointing at an elevated target might be a reference to Nelson’s mortal wound being fired by a marksman positioned in the rigging of a French ship).
The inclusion of Black figures cannot simply be dismissed as mere artistic convention, or as a representation of British moral superiority over Napoleonic France regarding the abolition of slavery.(6) Nor was it “political correctness”. Their inclusion was because they were active participants in those events – something recognised at the time.
The Historical Black Presence in the Royal Navy.
Ray Costello reveals that Black sailors recruited from Africa, the Caribbean and Americas served in the Royal Navy during the eighteenth century.(7) Some would have been taken on as crewmen in Africa, the Americas and the East Indies. Others no doubt enlisted from amongst the Black population already resident in Britain in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Briton Hammon, a British-American Black sailor served on HMS Hercules and was wounded at the Battle of Quiberon Bay (1759) during the “Seven Years War” (1756-1763) and was subsequently sent to Greenwich Hospital to recover.(8)
Nor was the Black presence in the Royal Navy limited to serving sailors. A number of officers had Black servants who accompanied them when they went to sea. Olaudah Equiano was the servant to a Lieutenant on HMS Roebuck during the assault on Louisburg in 1758.(9) In the heat of battle servants were as exposed to danger as the next man. The practice of employing Black servants was not restricted to junior officers: Admiral Richard Kempenfelt, the victor of the Second Battle of Ushant (1781), had his Black servant with him when HMS Royal George sank accidentally at Portsmouth in 1782. Whilst the Admiral went down with his ship, the Manchester Mercury reported that his un-named servant survived by jumping out of a window.(10)
One Black former sailor, William Martin (born Goree, Africa c.1732), found employment after serving eighteen years in the Royal Navy, as a servant to Admiral Robert Digby (1732-1815). Digby had been responsible for settling Black Loyalists from the American War of Independence in Nova Scotia. Prior to that he had been present at the capture of Goree in 1758, and it is possible that he and Martin had met during the campaign. William Martin (a black), an un-married man, aged 60 years and resident at No.3 Smithfield Street, (near to Smithfield Market), Marylebone, was admitted as an in-pensioner to Greenwich Hospital in November 1792 being “worn out”.(11) He died in May 1793 and was interred in Greenwich Hospital Burial Ground.(12)
Whilst Costello’s focus is mainly on sailors of African origin, the Royal Navy made no distinction between sailors of African and Asian origin – referring to them all as either “Black” or “of Colour”. Andrew Johnson, “a Black” born in the East Indies c.1778, and aged 33 years was admitted to Greenwich in March 1811. Suffering from lameness, his last ship had been HMS Dexterous.(13)
John Simmonds, “a black” born in Goa c.1753, was admitted to Greenwich in May 1803. His last ship had been HMS Neptune, but the cause of his disability was an injury to his loins whilst serving on HMS Pompee.(14)
The problem of identifying Black sailors.
The muster rolls for Royal Navy ships recorded the place of birth and age of entry (on the ship’s crew list), of the Ratings on a ship.(15) Ray Costello identifies ten Black sailors serving on HMS Bellerophon at the Battle of Trafalgar, (including David Young and Evan Lyon being described as “mustees” (i.e. “mixed heritage”) from Antigua) and another one (at least serving on HMS Victory).(16) Costello can identify the men of the Bellorophon because, uniquely, the muster rolls for the ship recorded both nationality and ethnicity. Other ships do not appear to have followed this practice. It is known that amongst the twenty-two nationalities on HMS Victory, there were 22 Americans, 9 men born in the West Indies and 1 born in Africa. It is therefore likely that some of them would have been Black. However, ethnicity is not identified in the records for the Victory, and that John Simmons from Jamaica was Black is only known because of records held by his family, including a contemporary portrait.(17) Thus, the true extent of the Black presence in the Royal Navy is difficult to ascertain.
Parish registers do contain some entries which facilitate the identification of Black sailors. In England christenings, marriages and burials have been recorded in parish register (by law) since the sixteenth century. Thomas Frasier Brent, an Indian aged 30 years and serving on HMS Beagle was baptised at St John, Portsea, Hampshire in December 1807.(18) Beuraws Paulfield, (the “son of an African negro”), aged 26 years, and serving on HMS Volontaire was baptised at St Matthew, Bethnal Green in August 1813.(19)
British newspapers from the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth centuries (accessible online via findmypast.co.uk) frequently contain references to Black sailors. However, little distinction is made between sailors from merchant or Royal Navy vessels in most cases. Additionally, references invariably only occur with relation to their involvement in crime or the circumstances of their death. Thus, newspapers, whilst they do facilitate the identification of Black Royal Navy sailors, cannot be viewed as an accurate representation of the lives of such men. George Hartford a Black sailor on HMS Stag until 1764, was murdered for his wages by his White ship-mate, William Jaques in Stanton Woods, Wiltshire.(20) John Aiken (born in Cape Francois c.1781), a mulatto sailor on HMS Swiftsure, was paid off in Portsmouth in December 1807 and caught the coach to the Bell and Crown public-house in Holborn. After going to bed in the evening, he was found dead the next morning.(21)
The Black Pensioners of Greenwich Hospital.
Greenwich Hospital (initially named the Royal Hospital for Seamen at Greenwich) was the permanent home for retired sailors and marines of the Royal Navy between 1692 and 1869. Men whose injuries could be directly attributable to service were examined, and if their claim was successful, were awarded a pension. They were subsequently either admitted as in-pensioners (residing in the hospital) or became out-pensioners (living in the community). A number of men were admitted years after their service had ended, and others when they could no longer support themselves, or their families could no-longer support them.
The records for Royal Navy sailors and marines admitted to Greenwich Hospital similarly record place of birth, age (on admission), in addition to service details, (length of service, ship’s name (last and the one they were injured/wounded on), nature of debility/wound), place of residence and marital status.(23)
Royal Navy pensioners born in Africa, the African Diaspora and Asia do appear in Greenwich records from the second half of the eighteenth century: Thomas Caesar, born in Africa and resident in Monmouthshire, was admitted to Greenwich in January 1763. A married man and a seaman by occupation, he had served for ten years in the Royal Navy with his last ship being HMS Expedition.(24) Charles Kellis, born in Bombay c.1720 and resident in Westminster was admitted to Greenwich in January 1770. Unmarried and a seaman by occupation, he had served for fifteen years in the Royal Navy with his last ship being HMS Argo.(25) In the case of both Caesar and Kellis there is no evidence, (other than the former’s possibly ironic surname), of ethnicity. Nor indeed of their exact dates of service, the ships they served on (except their last ship and the one they were wounded/injured on), or where they served.
Unlike the British Army, which recorded the complexion of soldiers discharged to pension on a pre-printed form after 1800, Greenwich Hospital did not record indicators of ethnicity as a matter of course. However, it was recorded by some compilers of the admissions register in what appears to have been an arbitrary manner, with the annotation “a Black”, “Black”, “Blk”, “blk” or “Man of Colour” appearing after the names of a number of individuals admitted to pension.(26) Thus, it is difficult to identify any of the Black sailors who served at the Battle of Trafalgar, unless they happened to receive a pension and then happened to have an annotation made next to their name that indicated their ethnicity. To date, none have been identified with any certainty, which is probably indicative of how difficult it was to apply for a pension, and illustrative of the limits placed on researching the historical Black presence in the Royal Navy of the Napoleonic Wars.
The earliest known Black pensioner to be admitted to Greenwich Hospital was Jacob Maney, born c.1724, who was admitted in November 1772. Whilst his place of birth was not given – “Black” being written into the entry – it was noted that he was a sailmaker resident in Tooley Street (the road connecting St Saviour’s Dock and London Bridge), and had served for nine years in the Royal Navy with HMS Weymouth being his last ship.(27)
The twenty thousand pensioners who died at Greenwich between 1749 and 1869, Black or White, were interred in the Greenwich Royal Naval Hospital Old Burial Ground. In 1875, after the Hospital had closed, the digging of a tunnel for the London and Greenwich Railway means that the remains of three thousand pensioners had to be disinterred and removed to East Pleasaunce Park, East Greenwich.(28)
In 1892 the Admiralty commissioned a monument to be built on the site of the Old Burial Ground. The inscription on the north face reads “In memory of the gallant officers and men of the Royal Navy and Marine to the number of about twenty thousand, formerly inmates of the Royal Hospital Greenwich, whose remains were interred in this cemetery between the years 1749 and 1869”.(29)
Life in the Napoleonic Royal Navy.
Recruitment was ostensibly voluntarily, however, Royal Navy Press Gangs operated both at sea and ashore, seeking out likely candidates (experienced or otherwise) to meet the manpower needed to crew the ships.
In November 1770, the Derby Mercury reported that a Press Gang armed with bludgeons, had attempted to take Michael Thomas, a Black servant during his marriage to Ann Brandly, a White woman, at the Church of St Olave in Southwark. A fight then occurred between the curate performing the marriage ceremony and the midshipman leading the Press Gang, which was only resolved when the local magistrate decided in favour of the bridegroom.(31)
Discipline was, by necessity, swift and brutal. It had to be to ensure the obedience of men drawn from different nations and backgrounds. Samuel Hood “a man of colour” serving on HMS Egmont in 1813, was court martialled and received 200 lashes for stealing “several articles of plate” from his Captain.(32)
Ratings were initially classed as Landsmen, and when competent became an Ordinary Seamen. After three years, or when competent, they were promoted to Able Seamen. (Men could enlist at higher or lower ranks depending on the requirements of the ship, and the judgement of the captain), whilst men with specialist occupations would be paid more, as the table below shows:
Royal Navy Rates of Pay, 1793-1815.(33)
| Rank | Pay Per Annum (Approx.) |
| Landsman | £10/12s |
| Ordinary Seaman | £10/12s |
| Able Seaman | £16/8s |
| Cook | £20/14s |
| Steward | £20/14s |
| Sailmaker | £24/6s |
| Carpenter (Rates 6 to 1) | £48/13s/6d-£70 |
| Master (Rates 6 to 1) | £66-£100 |
In comparison, a Private in a Line Infantry regiment, and an agricultural labourer both earned approximately £20 per annum.
For a Rating (an enlisted man) service in the Napoleonic Royal Navy could last for merely one deployment (although some voyages could last years), or for many.
For example, Thomas Rackett, (born in Demerara c.1779-1787), enlisted on HMS Confiance in the West Indies in early 1809, and after serving in two other ships in quick succession enlisted in the Grenadier Guards in London in February 1811, where he was to serve as a regimental musician until becoming an out-pensioner of the Royal Hospital Chelsea in 1821. (His service in the Royal Navy being counted towards his pension).(34)
Unlike Rackett, Thomas Baptiste (Born St Thomas, Africa c.1754) was in the Royal Navy for the duration. Between 1781 and 1803 he served as a Landsman then an Able Seaman in nine ships before finally being admitted to Greenwich Hospital in July 1804 with an injured leg. Cross-referencing the dates of his service on specific ships with records held online by threedecks.org reveals his presence at several major engagements, including the Second Battle of Ushant (1781). The Glorious 1st of June (1794), the Second Battle of Cape St Vincent (1797) and the Battle of the Nile (1798), in addition to numerous minor actions. On admittance it was noted that he was “a Black”, resident in Deptford and married with one dependent son. He was a barber by trade and had served twenty-two years in the Royal Navy, his last ship being HMS Acasta.(35)
Life afloat was incredibly tough: it was physically hard, and even in peace time a ship at sea was a place full of risks from falls and being crushed by equipment. A number of Black Greenwich sailors received pensions for injuries: John Baptist, born in Curacao c.1759, fractured his right leg and skull whilst serving on HMS Excellent. Admitted to Greenwich in February 1808 the abbreviation “blk” was written next to his name.(36)
Joseph Brown, born in Virginia c.1746, injured his left heel whilst serving on HMS Britannia. He was admitted to Greenwich in June 1800, when it was noted that he was “a Black”.(37)
Falling overboard was an occupational hazard, and it was a brave man who dived into the sea to save someone from drowning. Luckily, the Black sailors of the Royal Navy did have brave men amongst their ranks. In July 1811, a woman and child fell over-board from a boat that had moved alongside HMS Scylla whilst it was moored on the River Tamar, Devon. Seven or eight men of the Scylla dived into the water to rescue the pair. The mother was found quickly, but the child sunk, and it was a Black sailor, who identified the spot where the child had entered the water and “immediately dived with his clothes on, and brought the child from the bottom”.(38)
Such incidents ensured that the bravery of Black sailors was rarely questioned. In April 1832 William Vielson, a “man of colour” was serving as gun-room steward on HMS Nimrod in Cork Harbour, Ireland. The citation accompanying the medallion awarded to him by the Royal Humane Society described how when a man fell overboard, Vielson instantly jumped into the sea, though the wind was strong with an ebb tide. Vielson succeeded in grabbing the man, who in turn grabbed his leg so tightly as to place them both in jeopardy. The Second Lieutenant jumped in but gave up the attempt. Vielson, now with only one arm and leg free continued “with the most heroic perseverance.” A boat eventually reached them and rescued the pair. Incredibly, Vielson had previously saved another man on the coast of Africa when HMS Nimrod was stationed there.(39) William Vielson had been born on the Coast of Arabia c.1803.(40) He died in Australia in 1878 having also managed to fit in service in the Crimean War; an eventful life by any standards!
Bravery medals were not officially awarded by the Navy or Army until the Victoria Cross was introduced by Queen Victoria in 1856. The highest and most prestigious decoration was awarded to William Edward Nelson Hall, (born Nova-Scotia, Canada c.1827), at the Siege of Lucknow, India (1857). Hall, whose parents were American Loyalists who settled in Canada, was serving as an Able Seaman on HMS Shannon when its guns were removed and moved overland by the crew to participate in the Relief of Lucknow. Firing at the walls at point blank range until they effected a breach, Hall was one of two men who maintained the fire during the whole action – the rest of the gun crew being either wounded or killed.
With shot and shell being “colour blind” the risk of disability and death in action was a hazard that Black and White sailors shared. Several Black sailors were admitted to Greenwich suffering from wounds received in action. John Brown, born Manilla c.1785, lost his left hand whilst serving on HMS Royal Oak in the Walcheren Expedition (1809). He was admitted to Greenwich in September 1810, when it was noted that he was “a blk”.(41) Charles Phillips, born Goree, Africa c.1767, lost his right leg during a disastrous fire on HMS Ajax during the Dardenelles Campaign (1807). He was admitted to Greenwich in March 1808. His entry record noted that he was a “man of colour” who had served for four years in the Royal Navy.(42) HMS Ajax had served at the Battle of Trafalgar in 1805.
It is not known how many Black sailors were killed serving with the Royal Navy at Trafalgar, although two men born in Curacoa and Portsmouth, USA were wounded serving on HMS Victory – Ordinary Seaman John Francis and Able Seaman Peter Lovett. However, there is no reason to believe that the battle did not see Black blood shed alongside White in service of the nation. In earlier battles Black sailors had numbered amongst the fallen: The Black sailors who enlisted on HMS Superb in Madras in 1782, and “had behaved with remarkable bravery” against the French in several notable engagements in the East Indies, including the Battle of Cuddalore (1783), were almost certainly lost when the Superb went down with all hands off the Bombay Coast in November 1783.(43)
At the Battle of Camperdown (1797), between the British and Dutch fleets, John Winter “a mulatto” and Joseph Martin “a Malay”, were killed serving on HMS Ardent and HMS Monarch respectively.(44)
Nelson himself had made strong friendships amongst the plantocracy whilst serving on the West Indies station as a young officer. Even whilst preparing for Trafalgar he had found time to write railing against Wilberforce and the abolition movement. Yet on Royal Navy vessels, Black and White sailors lived and worked side by side. Although as the nineteenth century progressed Black sailors were increasingly used as cooks and stewards, during the Napoleonic Wars the demand for manpower meant that roles could not be restricted.
Despite his personal support for slavery, and prior to departing for Trafalgar, Nelson is known to have expressed his high regard for at least one Black sailor, as the British Press of 25th September 1805 recounted:
On the arrival of Lord Nelson at South Sea Beach, and previous to his getting into his ten-oared cutter to embark on board the Victory, he took a most affectionate leave of Admiral Coffin, and some other officers who had attended to witness his departure. On his inquiring for Mr Martin, a man of colour, who had piloted his Lordship during his late voyage through the West Indies, he very good naturedly told him to give his fist, and complimented him as being a very honest man, and begged his remembrance to all friends in the West Indies, and then bid the surrounding multitude adieu!(46)
It is perhaps an irony that the last handshake Nelson, a fierce defender of the plantocracy, had prior to leaving British shores for the last time, was with a Black sailor.
References.
1)Costello, R. Black Salt: Seafarers of African Descent on British Ships, (Liverpool University Press, 2014). Foy, CR. “The Royal Navy’s Employment of Black Mariners and Maritime Workers, 1754-1783” International Maritime History Journal, 28, No1, (Feb.2016). pp.6-35. Foy, CR. “Compelled to Row: Blacks on Royal Navy Galleys During the American Revolution”, Journal of the American Revolution: Annual Volume 2019. (Yardley, PA. Westholme Publishing. 2019). Pp. 258-268. Foy, CR. “Black Tars” in Gerzina, G (ed.) Britain’s Black Past. (Liverpool. Liverpool University Press. 2020). Pp.63-80.
2)https://twitter.com/HMSQNLZ?ref_src=twsrc%5Egoogle%7Ctwcamp%5Eserp%7Ctwgr%5Eauthor
3)Lambert, A. “Nelson, Trafalgar and the Meaning of Victory.” History Today. Volume 54. Issue 11. November 2004. www.historytoday.com/archive/nelson-trafalgar-and-meaning-victory
4)The Death of Nelson (1806). Samuel Drummond (1765-1844). Oil on canvas. H 133 X W 160 cm. The Nelson Museum, Yarmouth. https://artuk.org/discover/artworks/the-death-of-nelson-351
5)https://uniofglos.blog/history/2017/11/15/race-britishness-and-history-in-schools-reflections-on-another-black-history-month-in-cheltenham/ For a more comprehensive analysis of the relief see:https://dawlishchronicles.com/2019/01/15/black-tars-black-sailors-in-the-royal-navy-in-the-age-of-fighting-sail/
6)Britain abolished the trade in slaves in 1807, whilst Napoleon had re-introduced slavery 1802. Napoleon did abolish slavery in 1815, and Britain maintained slave ownership until the 1830s.
7)Costello. Black Salt. Op-cit. pp.52.
8)Ibid. Although the dates Hammon provides for his service on Hercules do not quite match those of the actions it fought in, his details of the action and knowledge of his captain, John Porter, suggest he was telling the truth.
9)Ibid. pp 53.
10)Manchester Mercury, 10th September 1872.
11)For William Martin see: ADM 6/271 and ADM 73/54 and 65.
12)ADM 73/36 Part 2 and 38. Kent: Greenwich, Greenwich Hospital (Anglican): Burials. TNA/RG/4/1671. findmypast.co.uk
13)For Andrew Johnson see: TNA ADM 73/66.
14)For John Simmonds see: TNA ADM 73/066.
15)Admiralty Ship’s Musters. The National Archives. ADM 37 series. Accessible online via findmypast.co.uk
16)Costello. Black Salt. pp 52-64.
17) http://www.jamaicanfamilysearch.com/Members/SimmonsJohn_Robert.htm Also Costello. Black Salt. pp. 60-64
18)For Thomas Frasier Brent see: Hampshire Baptisms.Baptism 15th December 1807. Baptised at St John, Portsea, Hampshire. Indian aged about 30 years, Seaman, HMS Beagle.findmypast.co.uk
19)London, Dockland and East End Baptisms.findmypast.co.uk
20)https://history.wiltshire.gov.uk/community/getcom_print.php?id=208 Reference provided by Audrey Dewjee. HMS Stag had served in the West Indies between 1761 and 1763 before returning to England and being paid off in May 1764.For the service of HMS Stag see: threedecks.org/index.php:
21)Prior to taking the coach to Holborn, Aiken was discharged from the Sick and Hurt Office, Portsmouth, suffering from catarrh. He was buried at St Andrew, Holborn, Camden, 26th December 1807. HMS Swiftsure served at Trafalgar in 1805. Cape Francois, West Indies, is now Cap-Haïtien, Haiti. Public Ledger and Daily Advertiser, 26th December 1807. London Metropolitan Archives; London, England; Reference Number: P69/AND2/A/010/MS06673/014. findmypast.co.uk
22)www.wealddown.co.uk/events/royal-hospital-seamen-greenwich-place-history-english-baroque-ticketed/
23)Greenwich Hospital pensioners 1704-1869. The National Archives. Including ADM 6, 29 and 73.Accessible online via findmypast.co.uk
24)For Thomas Caesar see: TNA ADM 73/52. findmypast.co.uk
25)For Charles Kellis see: TNA ADM 73/52. findmypast.co.uk
26)On findmypast.co.uk there are approximately one million results for British Royal Navy and Royal Marine Service and Pension Records, 1702-1919. However, individuals frequently have many results. To date I have identified over ninety Black sailors who served before or during the Napoleonic Wars and were awarded a pension by Greenwich Hospital.
27)For Jacob Maney see: TNA ADM 73/38 and 52. A possible date of death was given as 21st December 1777.
28)https://www.londonremembers.com/memorials/greenwich-royal-naval-hospital-old-burial-ground
29)Ibid.
30)Ibid.
31)Derby Mercury, 16th November 1770. For marriage certificate see LMA. London, England; Reference Number: p71/ola/023. ancestry.co.uk
32)The Suffolk Chronicle; or Weekly General Advertiser & County Express, 22nd May 1813.
33)http://sarahs-history-place.blogspot.com/2011/09/royal-naval-pay-from-1793-to-1815.html
34)For Thomas Rackett see Ellis, JD. “Thomas Rackett: From Demerara to St Giles”. www.academia.edu For HMS Confiance see: threedecks,org threedecks.org/index.php
35)For Thomas Baptiste see: ADM 73/2/30 and 73/38, 55 and 66. Also see threedecks,org threedecks.org/index.php). He died in September 1818 and was interred in Greenwich Hospital Burial Ground.
36)For John Baptist see: TNA ADM 73/38 and 66. He died in April 1812 and was interred in Greenwich Hospital Burial Ground.
37)For Joseph Brown see: ADM 73/38, 54 and 65. He died in October 1800 and was interred in Greenwich Hospital Burial Ground.
38)Star (London), 26th July 1811.
39)Morning Advertiser, 13th January 1832.
40)For William Vielson (also rendered as Vulson) see: TNA ADM 37/8201. www.findmypast.co.uk
41)For John Brown see: TNA ADM 73/66. threedecks.org/index.php
42)For Charles Phillips see: TNA ADM 73/38 and 42. He died in April 1837 and was interred in Greenwich Hospital Burial Ground.
43)Derby Mercury, 28th November 1782.
44)Kentish Weekly Post or Canterbury Journal, 27th December 1799.
45)https://www.hms-victory.com/content/history/crew
46)British Press, 25th September 1805. Also in the Carlisle Journal, 5th October 1805.